Free Aung San Suu Kyi
Forsaken but not
forgotten:
As
Myanmar’s jailed leader begins her third year in isolation in a jungle prison,
we demand: world leaders must no longer look the other way – they must join
forces to campaign for her release
Source:
The independent London
Peter
Popham
A Myanmar
activist holds a portrait of Aung San Suu Kyi during a protest at the Chinese
embassy in Bangkok in August 2009
Somewhere
in a prison within a prison in the jungles of eastern Myanmar, a frail elderly
woman prepares to begin her third year in isolation – with the prospect of
living like that for the rest of her life.
If anyone
on earth has the inner strength to survive such an ordeal, it is Aung San Suu
Kyi. Seventy-eight now, it is more than 30 years since she was first put under
house arrest; she has spent 18 years of her life with little company but the
sound of her own voice.
The
difference this time, and a shameful one, is that a world which for many years
lionized her now appears to have written her off.
When she
was first detained in her home in 1989, after spearheading a non-violent
movement of opposition to the murderous Burmese military junta, she was
compared with Gandhi and Mandela and awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Many other
honours followed.
It is more
than 30 years since Aung San Suu Kyi was first put under house arrest
This
time, in February 2021, when her National League for Democracy was about to
take office for a second term, sharing power with the military, she and her
colleagues were arrested as the army swept democracy aside to seize total power
– but the world looked the other way. We didn’t want to know.
Suu Kyi,
we declared, was an Islamophobe, the army’s useful idiot, a politician who as
state counsellor had in 2017 gone out of her way to defend a campaign against
the Rohingya minority in Arakan state which had driven hundreds of thousands of
them into exile in Bangladesh.
Nothing
could excuse that. Her halo was shattered, the aura of saintliness that her
extraordinary beauty had once reinforced long gone.
She was
no longer someone to be loved and lionised; and as Myanmar itself was well off
most people’s maps, she was no longer even of interest.
Suu Kyi
never courted celebrity – she was already in isolation when she first became famous
– but she is a classic victim of celebrity culture’s triviality: consumed in
happy ignorance, then vomited in distaste.
She made
mistakes, blunders even, as a politician, and because her blind spot was Islam,
which happens to be our blind spot too, she was beyond redemption.
But
that’s not how history will see her, and it’s not how her people see her. For a
stubborn majority of Burmese, she remains the one person who has for 35 years
given them hope that their 53 million-strong nation’s wretched history might be
redeemed.
Aung San
Suu Kyi was first arrested after spearheading a non-violent movement of
opposition to the Burmese military junta
With his son
The army
knows that, and fears it: that’s why, not content with isolating her, the
regime has staged a series of show trials on flimsy charges and loaded her with
jail sentences totalling 27 years. She faces staying in jail till she is 105.
But
perhaps the future will be more interesting than that.
When Suu
Kyi, a self-described housewife from Oxford who had returned to Myanmar to
nurse her sick mother, led her party to a landslide victory in the general
election of 1990, despite being locked in her home, it was the first fair poll
for a generation; yet the result was disregarded by the junta.
Twenty
years on, by contrast, her party had already been in power for a full five-year
term, and in February 2021 was poised to start another; democracy had put down
roots. The popular reaction to Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s action was fast
and furious and countrywide and has never let up.
Myanmar’s
chronic problem is that, being an artificial country thrown together at the
whim of British imperialists, it has been beset by insurgencies ever since it
was born as Burma in 1948.
The army
justifies its power by the need to break the rebellions, but its brutality has
always had the opposite effect. And this time around it has sparked violent
resistance not only in the country’s ethnic fringes but in the heartland, too.
A
particular hotspot has been Shan state in the east where ethnic Chinese rebels
forced the army into peace talks back in June.
A Burmese
proverb runs, “when China spits, Burma swims”. The giant neighbour has always
played an outsize role in the country’s destiny.
Aung San
Suu Kyi met with President Obama in the White House in 2012
While it
remains improbable that the State Administration Council (as the junta calls
itself) will be overthrown by rebels, it’s clear that Beijing hates to have
such chaos on its doorstep: it’s very bad for business.
Suu Kyi
was several times an honoured guest at Chinese state jamborees but that favour
has conspicuously not been extended to Min Aung Hlaing.
With
Burmese army losses mounting right across the country, and defections now
claimed to be 15,000, it’s not impossible that the generals will be forced to
swallow a demand for general peace talks; nor, if Min Aung Hlaing were shuffled
off into retirement, that the bravest old lady in the world might emerge once
more in triumph.
Peter
Popham is the author of ‘The Lady and the Peacock’ and ‘The Lady and the
Generals’
With
affection,
Ruben