Friday, January 29, 2021

Manuel Scorza

 

Manuel Scorza


 

 

Scorza quotes: "I do not know if you know what you want to say goodbye.

 Goodbye means never looking at each other, living among other people, joining other things, dying of other pains "

Peruvian author

WRITTEN BY

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica

 

Manuel Scorza, (born 1928, Lima, Peru—died Nov. 27, 1983, Madrid, Spain), Peruvian novelist, poet, and political activist who interwove mythic and fantastic elements with social realism in his depictions of the Indians’ struggles against oppression and exploitation.

In 1949 Scorza joined a group that resisted the dictatorship of General Manuel Odría. That same year, his first book of poems, Actas de la remota lejanía (“Proceedings of a Remote Distance”), was published and was confiscated by the local police. He was forced into exile and lived in many countries, barely managing to survive. Las imprecaciones (1955; “Imprecations”), a collection of poems, won him literary honours in Peru in 1956. That year he also joined the Movimiento Comunal and supported a peasant revolt that was raging in the Cerro de Pasco. He became secretary of the movement and wrote its political manifestos.

Scorza achieved fame with novels chronicling the Indians’ revolt. Redoble por Rancas (1970; Drums for Rancas) was the first of five volumes dealing with events in Peru (1955–62) and with the plight of the Indians. A basic theme in this and the other four novels of the series, Historia de Garabombo, el invisible (1972; “Story of Garabombo the Invisible”), El jinete insomne (1978; “The Insomniac Horseman”), Cantar de Agapito Robles (1978; “To Sing of Agapito Robles”), and La tumba del relámpago (1979; “The Tomb of the Lightning”) is the animistic vision of life shared by the Indians as they struggle (mostly unsuccessfully) against powerful feudal landowners and the forces of modern capitalism.

With affection,

Ruben

 

Wednesday, January 20, 2021

Salvador Allende

 

Salvador Allende


 

 


 

Early life

Source :Wikipedia

 

Allende was born on 26 June 1908[18] in Santiago.[19][20] He was the son of Salvador Allende Castro and Laura Gossens Uribe. Allende's family belonged to the Chilean upper middle class and had a long tradition of political involvement in progressive and liberal causes. His grandfather was a prominent physician and a social reformist who founded one of the first secular schools in Chile.[21] Salvador Allende was of Basque[22] and Belgian[23][24][25] descent.

Allende attended high school at Instituto Nacional General José Miguel Carrera of Santiago and at the Liceo Eduardo de la Barra in Valparaíso. As a teenager, his main intellectual and political influence came from the shoe-maker Juan De Marchi, an Italian-born anarchist.[21] Allende was a talented athlete in his youth, being a member of the Everton de Viña del Mar sports club (named after the more famous English football club of the same name), where he is said to have excelled at the long jump.[26] Allende then graduated with a medical degree in 1933 from the University of Chile.[21] During his time at medical school Allende was influenced by Professor Max Westenhofer, a German pathologist who emphasized the social determinants of disease and social medicine.[27][28]


 

In 1945, Allende became senator for the Valdivia, Llanquihue, Chiloé, Aisén and Magallanes provinces; then for Tarapacá and Antofagasta in 1953; for Aconcagua and Valparaíso in 1961; and once more for Chiloé, Aisén and Magallanes in 1969. He became president of the Chilean Senate in 1966. During the Fifties, Allende introduced legislation that established the Chilean national health service, the first program in the Americas to guarantee universal health care.[33]

 

Salvador Allende in 1964.


 

His three unsuccessful bids for the presidency (in the 1952, 1958 and 1964 elections) prompted Allende to joke that his epitaph would be "Here lies the next President of Chile." In 1952, as candidate for the Frente de Acción Popular (Popular Action Front, FRAP), he obtained only 5.4% of the votes, partly due to a division within socialist ranks over support for Carlos Ibáñez. In 1958, again as the FRAP candidate, Allende obtained 28.5% of the vote. This time, his defeat was attributed to votes lost to the populist Antonio Zamorano.

Declassified documents show that from 1962 through 1964, the CIA spent a total of $2.6 million to finance the campaign of Eduardo Frei and spent $3 million in anti-Allende propaganda "to scare voters away from Allende's FRAP coalition". The CIA considered its role in the victory of Frei a great success.[34][35] They argued that "the financial and organizational assistance given to Frei, the effort to keep Durán in the race, the propaganda campaign to denigrate Allende—were 'indispensable ingredients of Frei's success'", and they thought that his chances of winning and the good progress of his campaign would have been doubtful without the covert support of the Government of the United States.[36] Thus, in 1964 Allende lost once more as the FRAP candidate, polling 38.6% of the votes against 55.6% for Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei. As it became clear that the election would be a race between Allende and Frei, the political right – which initially had backed Radical Julio Durán– settled for Frei as "the lesser evil".

Allende had a close relationship with the Chilean Communist Party from the beginning of his political career. On his fourth (and successful) bid for the presidency, the Communist Party supported him as the alternate for its own candidate, the world-renowned poet Pablo Neruda.

1970 election

 


Allende won the 1970 Chilean presidential election as leader of the Unidad Popular ("Popular Unity") coalition. On 4 September 1970, he obtained a narrow plurality of 36.2% to 34.9% over Jorge Alessandri, a former president,

Upon assuming the presidency, Allende began to carry out his platform of implementing a socialist programme called La vía chilena al socialismo ("the Chilean Path to Socialism"). This included nationalization of large-scale industries (notably copper mining and banking), and government administration of the health care system, educational system (with the help of a United States educator, Jane A. Hobson-Gonzalez from Kokomo, Indiana), a programme of free milk for children in the schools and shanty towns of Chile, and an expansion of the land seizure and redistribution already begun under his predecessor Eduardo Frei Montalva,[46] who had nationalized between one-fifth and one-quarter of all the properties listed for takeover.[47] Allende also intended to improve the socio-economic welfare of Chile's poorest citizens;[48] a key element was to provide employment, either in the new nationalized enterprises or on public work projects.[48]

 

On early September 1973, Allende floated the idea of resolving the constitutional crisis with a plebiscite.[C] His speech outlining such a solution was scheduled for 11 September, but he was never able to deliver it. On 11 September 1973, the Chilean military under general Augusto Pinochet, aided by the United States and its CIA, staged a coup against Allende.[109][110][13]


 


Death

 

 

Just before the capture of La Moneda (the Presidential Palace), with gunfire and explosions clearly audible in the background, Allende gave his farewell speech to Chileans on live radio, speaking of himself in the past tense, of his love for Chile and of his deep faith in its future. He stated that his commitment to Chile did not allow him to take an easy way out, and he would not be used as a propaganda tool by those he called "traitors" (he refused an offer of safe passage), clearly implying he intended to fight to the end.[111]

Shortly afterwards, the coup plotters announced that Allende had committed suicide. An official announcement declared that the weapon he had used was an automatic rifle. Before his death he had been photographed several times holding an AK-47, a gift from Fidel Castro.[112] He was found dead with this gun, according to contemporaneous statements made by officials in the Pinochet regime.

Lingering doubts regarding the manner of Allende's death persisted throughout the period of the Pinochet regime. Many Chileans and independent observers refused to accept on faith the government's version of events amid speculation that Allende had been murdered by government agents. When in 2011 a Chilean court opened a criminal investigation into the circumstances of Allende's death, Pinochet had long since left power.

 

The ongoing criminal investigation led to a May 2011 court order that Allende's remains be exhumed and autopsied by an international team of experts.[113] Results of the autopsy were officially released in mid-July 2011. The team of experts concluded that the former president had shot himself with an AK-47 assault rifle.[114] In December 2011 the judge in charge of the investigation affirmed the experts' findings and ruled Allende's death a suicide.[115] On 11 September 2012, the 39th anniversary of Allende's death, a Chilean appeals court unanimously upheld the trial court's ruling, officially closing the case.[116]

The Guardian reported that a scientific autopsy of the remains had confirmed that "Salvador Allende committed suicide during the 1973 coup that toppled his socialist government."[113] It went on to say that:

British ballistics expert David Prayer said Allende died of two shots fired from an assault rifle that was held between his legs and under his chin and was set to fire automatically. The bullets blew out the top of his head and killed him instantly. The forensics team's conclusion was unanimous. Spanish expert Francisco Etxeberria said: "We have absolutely no doubt" that Allende committed suicide.[113]

With affection,

Ruben